The National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) has been rocked by a series of false bomb threats that have paralyzed its facilities, from the School of Political Science to high schools such as ENP 6 and 8. The threats began on October 1, 2025, and were spread by “incels,” a digital subculture that seeks to vent personal frustration through acts of virtual terror. Social media links these incidents to the recent murder of a student at CCH Sur, allegedly perpetrated by an incel.

The city’s prosecutor’s office has identified at least two suspects, who have been summoned to testify, and their digital trail reveals profiles saturated with misogynistic resentment. This phenomenon is not isolated: incels, who call themselves “involuntary celibates,” see UNAM as a symbolic target for their crusade against what they perceive as a hostile world.

The emergence of these incels in the UNAM ecosystem is evidenced by viral posts celebrating the evacuations as “victories” against “academic feminism,” a discourse that resonates in digital forums and has escalated from memes to real threats. Cyber ​​Police suggest that the perpetrators could belong to a branch of incels known as “groypers,” originating in the United States and Europe.

X users have shared screenshots of emails and posts detailing plans for “symbolic attacks” to generate panic, disrupt classes, and sow distrust in UNAM.

Incels emerged as a digital subculture born in 2010 on forums like Reddit and 4chan, where young, mostly heterosexual men gather to lament their lack of romantic and sexual success, attributing it to a supposed genetic or social “hierarchy” that condemns them to invisibility. Psychosocially, this ideology is rooted in loneliness amplified by the digital age: studies such as those from the University of Toronto highlight how post-pandemic isolation and youth unemployment foster an “echo effect” in online communities, where mutual validation transforms vulnerability into collective rage. Anthropologically, it represents a modern mutation of tribal rituals of exclusion, where the “other”—women, “chads” (attractive men)—is demonized to forge group identity.

Its anthropological origins trace back to mythical narratives of masculine purity, similar to those of ancient warrior sects, but adapted to late capitalism: the promise of sexual meritocracy collides with realities of inequality, generating a backlash that anthropologists like David Graeber link to labor alienation in post-industrial societies. Its appeal lies in its promise of empowerment through victimhood; Cognitive-behavioral therapies, according to APA reports, show that many incels in the United States suffer from untreated anxiety disorders, channeled into extreme ideologies that offer illusory solace.

The impact at UNAM has been mass evacuations and the suspension of classes at at least 18 campuses, as well as a climate of paranoia.

Authorities, in coordination with the Cyber ​​Police, are making progress in dismantling these networks: the two main suspects face charges of false alarms, with sentences of up to three years.

In a broader context, these incel threats illustrate the global export of toxic subcultures: from shootings in the US to harassment in Europe, the pattern is the same. In Mexico, where gender-based violence is already endemic, the emergence of incels in educational spaces like UNAM accelerates the need for a profound debate about the gap between the democratic promise of education and the reality of digital exclusions that foster extremism.

The appointment of Tony Blair as a key member of the “Peace Board” to oversee the Gaza peace plan, proposed by Trump on September 29, 2025, is an intolerable affront to the Palestinian people. As the architect of the 2003 invasion of Iraq based on false intelligence, Blair left a trail of hundreds of thousands of deaths and chaos, earning himself the title of “war criminal” in the Arab world and the United Kingdom. His warmongering record and failure to foresee human suffering make him a danger, not a savior, to a population already suffering a genocide. His presence will only deepen Palestinian mistrust and grief.

Donald Trump’s 20-point peace plan seeks an immediate ceasefire and the demilitarization of Gaza. It includes the release of Hamas hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners and proposes a reconstruction led by the “Peace Board,” chaired by Trump, with Blair as a prominent figure. This body will oversee a temporary governance, excluding Hamas, and promote a terror-free zone with economic development. However, Netanyahu’s reversal of the Israeli withdrawal raises questions, leaving Blair as a controversial symbol in a biased design.

Blair fits this plan because of his past as the Quartet’s Middle East envoy (2007-2015), where he promoted Palestinian economic projects with mediocre results. His network of contacts with Western leaders and his role at the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change make him useful to US and Israeli interests. However, his track record indicates that he will prioritize foreign agendas over Palestinian needs, aligning himself with Trump’s vision of benefiting Israel. This reinforces the idea that his role is political, not humanitarian.

From Jeremy Corbyn’s perspective, Blair should not approach Gaza, as his legacy of violence in Iraq destroys his moral legitimacy. Corbyn insists that Palestinian self-determination must prevail over impositions by figures like Blair, Trump, or Netanyahu. The plan covers up the total occupation of Palestine, and it is hypocritical to use Blair to broker “peace” after his warlike past. The appointment is a betrayal of justice.

The impact on Palestine would be devastating, marginalizing its agency with an external governance led by Blair. The exclusion of Hamas and the presence of an international stabilization force could crush resistance, perpetuating a disguised occupation. Palestinians would face displacement or even worse living conditions, as evidenced by the current humanitarian crisis. The promise of aid seems hollow in the face of Blair’s history of ignoring mass slaughter.

Israel, on the other hand, benefits from consolidating its control over Gaza without formal annexation. The IDF’s partial withdrawal, linked to demilitarization, ensures secure borders while maintaining a perimeter presence aligned with Netanyahu’s interests. Trump’s backing and Blair’s oversight ensure that Israeli security priorities dominate, reinforcing its regional power. This perpetuates an imbalance that favors Israel at the expense of Palestinian rights.

The ongoing genocide intensifies under Blair, who normalizes impunity for leaders responsible for massacres. His experience in Iraq suggests he will prioritize geopolitical stability over halting the violence, leaving Gaza open to further attacks. The lack of real commitment to a Palestinian state and Netanyahu’s stance indicate that the conflict will persist, prolonging the suffering. This appointment turns “peace” into a mask for domination.

The diagnosis is alarming: Blair as the wolf in Gaza peace reflects a US-Israeli strategy to impose unilateral control. Palestine loses sovereignty and its struggle for life, Israel gains strategic security, and genocide becomes institutionalized. Critics see it as renewed colonialism, with Blair’s past as proof of its danger. Without drastic changes, this plan will seal the Palestinian tragedy.

In the context of the Israeli genocide in Gaza, in which 680,000 Palestinians have been murdered, Mexico faces a flagrant contradiction by not breaking relations with Israel despite President Sheinbaum’s recent recognition of the Palestinian Holocaust.

The extradition of Tomás Zerón, a former official implicated in torture and tampering with evidence in Ayotzinapa, has been stalled in Israel since 2019. Meanwhile, the extradition of Andrés Roemer, accused of rape by at least five women and a fugitive since 2021, has not moved forward: detained in Israel in 2023, his appeal was rejected by the Supreme Court in April 2025, but the process drags on without a set date. This case illustrates Israel’s selective protection of sexual predators of Jewish origin. The delays in the Zenón and Roemer cases erode Mexican sovereignty.

Just in mid-2025, the Morena government of Oaxaca, under Salomón Jara, purchased 75 ARAD rifles from Israel Weapon Industries for state police, despite the genocide in Gaza. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Sedena) authorized the acquisition, ignoring UN condemnations and embargoes such as that of Spain. This decision finances the Zionist military complex that massacres Palestinians, contradicting Sheinbaum’s recognition of the genocide and revealing Morena’s subservience to Zionist interests.

Accusations of bribery of Peña Nieto for $25 million from Israeli businessmen Uri Ansbacher and Avishai Neriah to implement Pegasus during 2012-2018 reveal systemic corruption: the software enabled mass spying on opponents, journalists, and victims of Ayotzinapa. The Attorney General’s Office (FGR) opened an investigation in July 2025, but impunity persists; this scandal exposes how Israel poisons democracies with tools of repression.

Pegasus still permeates local, state, and federal governments: Sedena (National Security Forces) used it in 2019 to spy on 456 activist and journalist numbers, despite AMLO’s promises to eradicate it; states such as Chihuahua, Campeche, and Guerrero acquired it through Hacking Team, investing €5.8 million in illegal surveillance.

The Israeli arms industry has fueled drug violence in Mexico since 2000, selling more than 23,000 weapons to Sedena (National Security Forces) for 650 million pesos between 2006 and 2018, which ended up in the hands of cartels such as CJNG and Sinaloa. Tavor and Galil rifles, used by Israel in Gaza, were found in 41 illegal seizures between 2010 and 2020. This criminal export, which evades international treaties, has intensified the massacre of civilians in Mexico, replicating the genocidal tactic of occupation in the drug violence crisis.

Evidence points to decades of training for organized crime by former Israeli military personnel. The Zionist mafia, detected in arms laundering and trafficking, trained Los Zetas in Tamaulipas and Veracruz with former Mossad agents. This interference “professionalized” contract killings and organized crime, replicating counterinsurgency doctrines used in Palestine. Mexico, by failing to confront this network, allows Israeli genocidal tactics to deepen the crisis of the more than 100,000 missing persons in Mexico.

Given Sheinbaum’s recognition of the genocide in Gaza, Mexico must sever ties with Israel: cut off arms purchases, push for pending extraditions, and denounce the sale of spyware. This historical complicity—from Zerón to Pegasus—taints Mexican sovereignty, aligning it with a criminal regime. The true pro-Palestinian position requires sanctions, not lukewarm rhetoric, so as not to be hypocritical in the face of the murder of 680,000 Palestinians.