The murder of 21-year-old Edith Guadalupe Valdés Zaldívar isn’t just another femicide. It’s concrete proof that the Mexico City government under Clara Brugada has completely lost its way and the people’s trust. While her family handed over the exact location of the building on Avenida Revolución from the early hours of April 16, the prosecutor’s office took more than 24 hours to act. That delay wasn’t a simple bureaucratic slip-up — it was a criminal omission that cost Edith her life.

The family’s accusations are serious and straight to the point: officials allegedly asked for money to “speed up” the search and downplayed the report. Several employees have already been removed from their posts, but that doesn’t erase the fact that the institution supposed to protect women failed systematically. Edith’s body was found hidden in the basement under sand, only after street pressure and road blockades forced the authorities to move. The prosecutor’s office talks about “solid evidence” against the detained security guard, but public distrust is already sky-high: how many more cases are lost in the same corrupt bureaucracy?

This isn’t an isolated incident. It’s a symptom of a government that boasts about its commitment to women while its search protocols are nowhere to be seen. The outrage sparked by Edith’s case brings back the ghosts of Lesvy and so many other victims whose deaths went unpunished. Brugada condemned the crime and called for a full investigation, but her words ring hollow when the response always comes too late, after the horror and only when the streets force their hand.

What’s truly infuriating is the brutal contrast with the government’s real priorities. While Edith was out looking for a job and got killed in a “redeveloped” area, Brugada and her team are rushing through construction, evictions, and relocations to make the city look spotless for the 2026 World Cup. Street vendors are being criminalized, downtown merchants swept off the streets, and poor neighborhoods left without water or basic services while the budget flows toward stadiums and luxury hotels.

Rampant gentrification and touristification aren’t side effects — they’re deliberate policy. Collectives are denouncing how residents are being pushed out to “beautify” the city and hide everyday chaos from visitors. Brugada even suggested massive remote work and suspending classes so locals “don’t go out” during the matches. The message is loud and clear: regular people are a nuisance; tourists are the priority.

The whole narrative of a “Green World Cup” and “human rights” collapses in the face of reality. Edith’s case shows that this government would rather spend on international image than on security, justice, and fairness for the communities that need it most. Anti-World Cup protests and marches against gentrification are no longer isolated voices — they’re the cry of a city fed up with being made up for the photo while its daughters are murdered.

Brugada answers with press releases and emergency meetings, but credibility can’t be recovered with soundbites or by firing a few officials. Citizens see the double standard: heavy hand against vendors and protesters, soft hand with the inefficiency and corruption that allow femicides. The damage is irreversible just months before the big event that was supposed to be the showcase of her administration.

Edith’s femicide didn’t only take a young woman’s life as she looked for work. It ripped the mask off Mexico City’s government. If Brugada and her team don’t make real changes — not just talk — whatever credibility they have left will go down the drain along with the trust of millions of capitalinos who no longer believe in promises or in protocols that only work when street pressure forces them.

The Hidalgo state government intends to carry out the eviction of the Arturo Herrera Cabañas Foundation from the building it has occupied for 26 years in the Historic Center of Pachuca.

The administration of Julio Menchaca, a member of the MORENA party, has been heavily criticized for this measure. Civil society and artists are seeking to halt the eviction, as the foundation has maintained and restored the building, which was completely abandoned and had serious structural damage.

The mansion had been severely damaged by Hurricane Paulina, with the collapse of upper floors. The Foundation intervened to prevent its total destruction after discovering that the original ground floor floors were at risk of collapsing due to the weight of the debris and accumulated water.

Although the building belongs to the state government, the authorities were unaware of its true condition. The Foundation reported the situation, but never received official support for its maintenance. All the work was carried out with its own resources and contributions from members and the Herrera Gutiérrez family.

For 32 years, the Foundation has been dedicated to promoting culture, art, and sports in Hidalgo. It has organized exhibitions, workshops, seminars, recitals, concerts, and conferences, in addition to maintaining a climbing wall and a significant collection of nearly 40,000 books, documents, archives, paintings, and sculptures.

Works by Tamayo, Amaya, and Jesús Martínez have been exhibited in this space, and it has provided opportunities for artists from Hidalgo. Books about the state have been published, summer workshops have been offered, and activities have been developed with more than 60 members, including choirs, theater groups, and ballet companies.

The Foundation has functioned as a pluralistic space that fosters civic dialogue and the participation of feminist groups, labor unions, and civil society organizations. It has rescued historical archives and organized festivals, walks, and discussions on laws with citizens and legislators.

Without receiving state funding, the Foundation opened a small coffee bar to generate resources dedicated entirely to its cultural activities. However, the government accuses it of being for-profit and now intends to evict it without due process, violating Article 14 of the Constitution.

This action affects the community, artists, and cultural groups that have found in the Foundation a vibrant space to preserve and promote the culture of Hidalgo. The institution has filed for legal protection and remains committed to continuing its work with the support of the community.

This action is one of several by Governor Menchaca against the art and culture of Hidalgo.

The Greater Israel project isn’t some wild conspiracy theory. It’s the core idea of Revisionist Zionism: a Jewish state stretching from the Nile to the Euphrates, exactly as shown in official Likud maps and in speeches by security minister Ben-Gurion, Jabotinsky (the founder of Revisionist Zionism), and Prime Minister Netanyahu. This isn’t just about security. It’s a territorial, religious, and messianic project that sees the biblical land as the tool for redeeming the so-called “chosen people.”

Its roots are double: the Bible (Genesis 15) and 20th-century political Zionism. Jabotinsky called it the “Iron Wall” in 1923 — total military force to impose demographic and geographic control. After 1967, with the occupation of the West Bank, Gaza, Golan, and Sinai, the dream moved from the page to the ground. Settlements aren’t accidents. They’re the spearhead.

The military dimension was always crystal clear. Every war — 1948, 1967, 1973, Lebanon 1982, Gaza 2008-2024 — served to expand or lock in that map. Netanyahu repeats it in Hebrew: “the Jewish state won’t stop at the Green Line.” The goal is a continuous corridor that breaks the Shia axis and controls energy routes from the Mediterranean to the Gulf.

Geopolitically, Greater Israel was never viable without the United States. Washington footed the bills, vetoed UN resolutions, and supplied the weapons. But that dependence flipped. As John Mearsheimer would say, Israel is no longer an ally — it’s the actor dictating America’s agenda in West Asia. Trump and Biden ended up dancing to the Israeli lobby’s tune.

Today the project is collapsing. Israel lost the war against Iran. It didn’t get regime change, didn’t neutralize the nuclear program, didn’t open the Strait of Hormuz, and watched its 13 bases in the Gulf burn. Oil prices shot up and forced Washington to accept a ceasefire on Tehran’s terms. The “Iron Wall” turned into a cage.

The loss is double. The United States no longer controls Israel; Israel no longer controls the battlefield. The Mossad and the lobby couldn’t hide the humiliation. Dugin would call it “the end of internal Jewish Satanism”: permanent transgression no longer generates power, only isolation. In the context of the Epstein files, the empire of blackmail and ritual crashed into reality.

The diagnosis is brutal. Greater Israel was always a Frankist project: break every moral and strategic rule to speed up redemption. It believed it could live outside international law and the physics of power. Now it’s paying the price: a bleeding economy, doubting Arab allies, a stronger Iran, and a United States that can’t — and won’t — save it.

The prognosis is clear. Without a military victory over Iran, Greater Israel shrinks. Settlements will become unsustainable, recruitment will collapse, and the Jewish diaspora will start questioning the whole project. Multipolarism is accelerating: China and Russia are filling the vacuum left by the American-Israeli defeat.

What’s coming isn’t peace. It’s a painful reordering. Israel will have to choose between a realistic binational state or an increasingly isolated nuclear ghetto. The United States, meanwhile, will learn the lesson Mearsheimer keeps repeating: whoever ties itself to someone else’s messianic project ends up losing its own sovereignty.

Greater Israel won’t die overnight, but it already lost the war it needed to win. The dream from the Nile to the Euphrates has become the nightmare from the Gulf to the Mediterranean. History records it without mercy: empires of chaos always end up devoured by the chaos they themselves created.