Heir to a family fortune that he multiplied with the support of public resources that he now claims not to have received, he is famous for being unscrupulous when it comes to doing business by stepping on others. He has also begun a campaign against Morena and President Sheinbaum, whose narrative shows he has more guts than guts.

His fortune is tied to neoliberal governments that, in addition to public television concessions and other businesses, waived his tax payments each year, facilitating the growth of his legalized usury retail business known as Elektra.

Grupo Salinas’s tax debt with the SAT is a conflict that dates back to 2008 and has lasted more than 16 years. The debt figure has fluctuated in reports, reflecting its growth due to the accumulation of surcharges and inflation over time. Initially, there was talk of an omission of 38 billion pesos, which, with surcharges, amounted to more than 53 billion. In March 2024, the federal government reported that the total debt was 63 billion pesos. More recently, the figure has climbed to 74 billion pesos, according to the Federal Tax Attorney’s Office. This discrepancy in the figures is due to the fact that the amount claimed includes the principal debt, as well as fines, interest, and accrued updates due to the lengthy delay in the courts.

Grupo Salinas has adopted a vigorous defense stance, both in the courts and in the public sphere. The company describes the charges as “abusive and illegal” and maintains that they constitute “double charges.” It has undertaken a delaying strategy, pursuing all possible legal remedies to prolong the trial. The case, which dates back to 2008, has been the subject of more than 29 lawsuits and various appeals.

The case of Ricardo Salinas Pliego stands as the clearest example of the breakdown of a historic “pact” between the Mexican government and large corporations, where political favors and tax breaks were part of the power dynamic. The current administration has made the fight against these privileges one of its main priorities, making Salinas Pliego the antagonist of this new political era. This confrontation, exposed through the publication of files and constant exchanges on social media, shows that the case is not limited to a courtroom, but is a fight for narrative, with the government seeking to legitimize its tax policies and Salinas Pliego defending his reputation and business model.

However, last week, he began a media mobilization that challenges the Mexican state and even positions himself as a possible presidential candidate in 2030, which does not seem like a good strategy for his business, as Elon Musk recently demonstrated.

His recent statements reveal an authoritarian, business-like outlook with no concern for the people, so the mere mass exposure of his anti-political rhetoric is a danger to a country where the people barely recognize his capacity in government.

Le Spectre De la Lumière is an urban music concept album that unites the genius of writer Yuri Herrera with the powerful versatility of TheSophia3, an atypical ensemble led by producer and underground legend Gilles Aniorte-Tomassian and multi-instrumentalist and singer Sophia de León Sánchez.

For this, their second album, TheSophia3 taps into the fervor of American folk and regional Mexican music, and extravagantly combines hip-hop with contemporary classical music. The result is an enigmatic and catchy sound, like that of their single “El Detective Daltónico.”

Three virtuoso collaborations stand out from the rest of the EP (it’s six exquisitely curated songs): the “boxing” rap of young boxer Damián “El Causita,” the solidity of percussionist Carolina Reyes, and, above all, the production and arrangements of Lucien “Revolucien” Broquet, one of the most sophisticated young composers of his generation.

As musicologist and critic Joe Bryl aptly puts it in his review of the album:

“These sonic experiments were also influenced by the philosophical practices and revolutionary techniques of the Situationist drift, combating everyday malaise with new attractions and encounters through a collage of sounds that alter habitual perceptions and expectations.”

The remarkable piece Vamos a las Cuerdas also features renowned musicians in Latin genres, such as Chris Larumbe, André Izquierdo, and Marco Antonio Vilchis Ramírez.

TheSophia3 originated as a collective, remote project with talents from around the world. The result, Le Spectre de la Lumière, is simultaneously poetry, music, and art that can be enjoyed both by listening and dancing.

Listen here:

https://thesophia3.bandcamp.com/album/le-spectre-de-la-lumi-re

Omar García Harfuch, Mexico’s current Secretary of Security and Citizen Protection, is emerging as a polarizing figure in the political landscape ahead of the 2030 presidential elections. His track record, marked by a 25% reduction in intentional homicides since October 2024 according to official data, positions him as a strong contender within Morena. However, his rise is not without shadows: forced disappearances are on the rise across the country, there are vague accusations of ties to organized crime, and his alleged involvement in crafting the “historical truth” of the Ayotzinapa case continues to haunt him. While unproven, these allegations could undermine his credibility among an increasingly critical electorate.

Harfuch’s relationship with the Trump administration, which began in January 2025, is a key factor. His collaboration with U.S. intelligence agencies like the DEA and the extradition of 29 drug lords, including Rafael Caro Quintero, have earned him support in Republican circles. Figures like Donald Trump Jr. have praised his “tough on crime” approach against cartels, which could translate into financial and political backing from the United States. However, this closeness could alienate nationalist sectors in Mexico, wary of foreign intervention in security matters.

The 2020 assassination attempt attributed to the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) bolsters his image as a courageous figure against organized crime but also exposes his vulnerability. Surviving 414 gunshots, losing two bodyguards and a bystander, the event thrust him into the public eye as a symbol of resilience. Yet, rumors of collusion with criminal groups, as alleged by journalist Anabel Hernández and a Guerreros Unidos witness, fuel distrust. Though unproven, these accusations could be weaponized by opponents to question his integrity.

The Ayotzinapa case is perhaps Harfuch’s greatest liability. Military documents and statements from Alejandro Encinas place him in key meetings in Iguala in 2014, where the “historical truth” that covered up the disappearance of the 43 student teachers was allegedly crafted. Although Harfuch denies direct involvement, claiming he was in Michoacán at the time, the perception of his role persists. This episode could be a lethal weapon in the hands of political rivals, especially in a context where victims and their families continue to demand justice.

In terms of results, Harfuch’s tenure shows mixed outcomes. While intentional homicides have significantly decreased, averaging 65.3 per day in April 2025, a 444% increase in forced disappearances in Mexico City between 2021 and 2024 raises serious doubts about the effectiveness of his strategy. This rise, noted by experts like David Saucedo, suggests that organized crime has adapted, opting for disappearances over homicides to evade statistics. This trend could undermine his narrative of success if not addressed decisively.

His potential opponents in 2030 include prominent figures within Morena, such as Marcelo Ebrard, who would need to demonstrate results in the difficult renegotiation of the USMCA.

Harfuch’s strength lies in his image of police efficiency and his close ties to Claudia Sheinbaum, who has unwaveringly supported him. His ability to forge alliances with key figures, such as the director of the National Intelligence Center, Francisco Almazán, and his control over strategic security areas, make him a formidable operator. However, his past in the Federal Police during Felipe Calderón’s administration and corruption allegations could be exploited by adversaries both within and outside Morena, especially in a polarized political context.

Public perception of Harfuch as a “hero” after the CJNG attack clashes with accusations linking him to organized crime. While some see him as a leader capable of confronting cartels, others view him as part of a corrupt system perpetuating impunity. Social media reflects this divide: some X users praise him as a necessary “security czar,” while others, like journalist Denise Dresser, criticize his record and the rise in disappearances. This polarization could define his viability as a candidate, depending on how he manages his public narrative.

U.S. support, particularly under the Trump administration, could be a double-edged sword. While it strengthens his international standing, Trump’s rhetoric about military intervention in Mexico to combat cartels could alienate Mexican voters. Harfuch will need to balance this relationship to avoid being perceived as a puppet of foreign interests, a risk already highlighted by critical analysts. Bilateral cooperation, such as Operation Northern Border, which seized thousands of weapons and drugs, is a tangible achievement but also a point of political friction.

In conclusion, Harfuch’s likelihood of becoming Morena’s presidential candidate in 2030 is high but not guaranteed. His security expertise, alliance with Sheinbaum, and U.S. backing position him as a favorite, but the Ayotzinapa accusations, rumors of criminal ties, and the rise in disappearances are significant hurdles. He will face fierce internal competition and must convince a skeptical electorate that his past does not define his future. The path to Los Pinos will be a trial by fire for this police officer who survived bullets but still must navigate the ballots.