No menu items!

Delta Force, America’s Elite: Top Client and Distributor of Mexican Drug Cartels

Comparte este artículo

The Trump administration labeled drug cartels as terrorists while cutting deals with their leaders (El Mayo, El Chapo, and his sons) to snitch on corrupt Mexican politicians—especially from Morena. But the truth is, the idea of Mexican cartels was cooked up by the U.S. government in the 1980s to cover up its deliberate promotion of Mexican drug trafficking. Operators tied to Mexico’s Federal Security Directorate (like Juan Esparragoza, “El Azul”) worked with the CIA to fund Nicaragua’s Contras. Now, a new book reveals that global drug trafficking is controlled at an even higher level by America’s elite Delta Force.

In December 2020, a deer hunter stumbled upon two bullet-riddled bodies in a wooded corner of Fort Bragg, North Carolina, the U.S.’s largest military base and home to the secretive Delta Force. The dead were Master Sergeant William “Billy” Lavigne, a Delta Force operator with over a dozen classified missions, and Chief Warrant Officer Timothy Dumas, a Special Forces logistics guy. Both were neck-deep in drug trafficking, according to The Fort Bragg Cartel: Drug Trafficking and Murder in the Special Forces by Seth Harp, an Iraq War vet and investigative journalist. Backed by interviews, declassified documents, police records, and court transcripts, the book exposes a scandal that shakes the core of America’s narrative about its elite military and the so-called “war on drugs.” Through a critical look at Harp’s public interviews, news reports, and available records, this essay uncovers Delta Force’s role in global drug trafficking, its ties to Mexican cartels, and the CIA’s murky role in this criminal scheme, questioning the legitimacy of U.S. drug policy.

Delta Force and Drug Trafficking: A Criminal Network at the Heart of the Military

Delta Force, the U.S. Army’s most elite special operations unit, is known for covert assassinations and secret missions in war zones. But The Fort Bragg Cartel reveals that some of its members have used their skills, contacts, and military resources to dive into large-scale drug trafficking. Harp documents at least 14 cases in the past five years of Fort Bragg-trained soldiers, including Delta Force operators, who were arrested, caught, or killed in drug-related activities, often working with Mexican cartels like Los Zetas.

The case of Billy Lavigne is a prime example. A traumatized vet with multiple deployments, Lavigne wasn’t just using crack—he was trafficking cocaine and meth at Fort Bragg. His death, alongside Timothy Dumas, who smuggled drugs and weapons from overseas during covert missions, points to a broader web of corruption. Harp describes how Dumas wrote a blackmail letter threatening to expose criminality in the Special Forces in Afghanistan, suggesting drug trafficking wasn’t just a side hustle but part of a systemic structure—maybe even a core function of Delta Force. This network included ex-DEA agents like Freddie Wayne Huff, who became a key cocaine trafficker in the southeastern U.S., linking Fort Bragg to Los Zetas.

In an August 14, 2025, Democracy Now! interview, Harp said, “This isn’t about a few bad apples. We’re talking about a culture of impunity in the Special Forces, where no oversight and the trauma of endless wars create a breeding ground for organized crime.” This culture is worsened by the routine use of amphetamines, opioids, and anti-anxiety meds prescribed to soldiers to keep them battle-ready, fueling addiction and easing their slide into the drug trade.

Ties to Mexican Cartels: Los Zetas and Fort Bragg Training

One of Harp’s most disturbing findings is the link between Fort Bragg and Los Zetas, a notoriously brutal Mexican cartel. Los Zetas started as an elite Mexican army unit, the Grupo Aeromóvil de Fuerzas Especiales (GAFE), trained at Fort Bragg and Fort Benning in the 1990s as part of a U.S.-Mexico program to fight drug trafficking. But by the early 2000s, many deserted to form Los Zetas, first as the Gulf Cartel’s enforcers, then as an independent cartel.

Harp details how this relationship didn’t end with their desertion. Fort Bragg soldiers, including Delta Force members, kept buying drugs directly from Los Zetas, maintaining military ties and communication. Sharon Shivley, a local loan shark, told Harp, “They were buying drugs from the cartel. People tied to Mexicans who’ll kill you if you don’t pay.” This wasn’t just about rogue soldiers—it involved Fort Bragg’s entire military apparatus. The U.S. training created Los Zetas to supply drugs to its own elite forces. In a Lawfare interview on August 12, 2025, Harp noted, “It’s ironic that while Trump’s government talks about sending special forces to Mexico to fight cartels, some of those same soldiers are working with them.”

This symbiotic relationship between Fort Bragg and Los Zetas isn’t a one-off—it’s a reflection of the contradictions in U.S. drug policy. While the DEA and other agencies spend billions intercepting shipments, Special Forces, trained to operate in the shadows, have found convenient partners in the cartels for their illegal activities.

The CIA’s Shadow: Complicity and Cover-Up

The CIA’s ties to drug trafficking aren’t new. Since the 1970s, works like Alfred McCoy’s The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia and the 1989 Kerry Report have shown how the agency has tolerated or even enabled drug trafficking by allies in proxy wars, from Vietnam to Nicaragua. The Fort Bragg Cartel adds a new chapter, suggesting the CIA, working alongside Delta Force in the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC), has turned a blind eye to drug trafficking to prioritize geopolitical goals.

Harp cites the case of Freddie Huff, a former DEA agent at the El Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC), who befriended a CIA analyst, Karl Culberson. Before dying of cancer, Culberson told Huff, “What you’re doing is noble, but they want the drugs here. You’re a pawn.” This suggests the flow of drugs into the U.S. isn’t just a policy failure but a deliberate outcome of high-level decisions. According to Harp, the CIA has prioritized intelligence-gathering and covert ops over stopping drug trafficking, especially in Afghanistan, where the U.S.-backed Hamid Karzai government ran a “massive cartel” producing most of the world’s illicit opium.

In a New America interview on August 12, 2025, Harp explained, “The CIA and JSOC operate with so little oversight they’ve become a state within a state. This lets activities like drug trafficking thrive under the guise of national security.” The lack of transparency makes it hard to pin down the CIA’s exact complicity, but historical patterns and Harp’s evidence point to a tacit tolerance of drug trafficking as a lesser evil for strategic aims.

The Farce of the War on Drugs

Harp’s investigation doesn’t just expose corruption within Delta Force and its ties to cartels and the CIA—it questions the legitimacy of the U.S. “war on drugs.” Launched in the 1970s, this policy has burned through over a trillion dollars, jailed millions, and fueled untold violence in Latin America, without significantly cutting drug use or trafficking. Meanwhile, evidence suggests the U.S. government, through its elite forces and intelligence agencies, has fueled the very problem it claims to fight.

Harp argues that America’s endless wars, especially in Afghanistan, have worsened drug trafficking. During the 20-year occupation, Afghanistan became the world’s biggest narco-state, with warlords and corrupt officials on the U.S. payroll overseeing opium production. Delta Force soldiers, returning home, brought not just trauma but connections to overseas trafficking networks. This “blowback” from endless wars reminds us that U.S. military and drug policies are deeply intertwined—and deeply flawed.

In The Atlanta Journal-Constitution (July 22, 2025), Harp described the psychological toll: “The trauma of Delta operators, combined with massive prescriptions of narcotics for pain and PTSD, created a perfect storm for addiction and crime.” This doesn’t just hit soldiers—it devastates nearby communities like Fayetteville, where overdoses and drug-related killings have skyrocketed.

Conclusion: A Call for Transparency and Reform

The Fort Bragg Cartel isn’t just a tale of individual crimes—it’s a takedown of a system that allows impunity in the name of national security. Delta Force’s role in drug trafficking, its collaboration with cartels like Los Zetas, and the CIA’s quiet complicity reveal an ugly truth: the war on drugs is, in many ways, a sham. While the U.S. pours resources into military and anti-drug operations, its own institutions feed the problem they claim to solve.

Harp, in his Lawfare interview, called for action: “We need more transparency in JSOC and the CIA. Without accountability, these units will keep being a breeding ground for corruption.” This essay joins that call, urging a critical rethink of U.S. drug policy. Instead of sending special forces to fight cartels abroad, the government should look inward, tackle corruption in its ranks, and prioritize rehab for veterans like Lavigne, broken by endless wars.

The Fort Bragg story reminds us that wars—whether on terror or drugs—always come home. As Harp said on Democracy Now!, “The human cost of these policies isn’t just overseas—it’s in American communities ravaged by addiction and violence.” It’s time for the U.S. to face this truth and dismantle the structures perpetuating this cycle of hypocrisy and destruction.

Sources:

  • Harp, Seth. The Fort Bragg Cartel: Drug Trafficking and Murder in the Special Forces. Viking, 2025.
  • “The Fort Bragg Cartel: Book Exposes U.S. Special Forces’ Involvement in Drug Trafficking & Murder.” Democracy Now!, August 14, 2025.
  • “How Fort Bragg special operations troops created a drug cartel.” Reason, August 12, 2025.
  • “Inside Fort Bragg’s drug crisis.” The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, July 22, 2025.
  • “Lawfare Daily: ‘The Fort Bragg Cartel’ with Seth Harp.” Lawfare, August 12, 2025.
  • “The Fort Bragg Cartel: How Seth Harp Uncovered Drug Trafficking in the U.S. Military.” New America, August 12, 2025.
  • “Inside Fort Bragg’s Secret Cartel and Unsolved Murders: Book Excerpt.” Rolling Stone, July 28, 2025.

Artículos Relacionados

埃迪丝遇害案让墨西哥城政府信誉崩盘

21岁少女埃迪丝·瓜达卢佩·巴尔德斯·萨尔迪瓦尔的遇害,并不是又一起普通的女性谋杀案。这简直就是铁证,证明克拉拉·布鲁加达领导下的墨西哥城政府已经彻底迷失方向,也失去了老百姓的信任。4月16日一大早,埃迪丝家人就把她最后出现的 exact 大楼位置交给了当局,结果检察院拖了超过24小时才行动。这根本不是什么官僚主义小失误,而是直接害死人的严重渎职。 家属的指控又狠又直接:官员居然要钱才肯“加快”搜寻,还把报案当儿戏。好几个涉事人员已经被撤职,但这改变不了核心问题——那个本该保护女性的机构,系统性地失灵了。埃迪丝的尸体最后是在大楼地下室、埋在沙堆下面被找到的,而且还是在民众堵路抗议、施加巨大压力之后。当局说对被抓的保安有“铁证”,可现在大家已经彻底不信了:还有多少案子就这样卡在腐败的官僚体系里? 这绝不是孤立事件,而是政府问题的集中爆发。他们嘴上喊着关心女性,实际搜救机制根本不存在。埃迪丝案引发的愤怒,让人一下子想起莱斯维和其他那么多被害女性,她们的死到现在都没讨回公道。布鲁加达出来谴责犯罪,还要求彻底调查,但这些话听起来空洞无力,因为每次回应都来得太晚,总要等惨剧发生、街头闹起来才动。 最让人气炸的是政府真正的优先级。埃迪丝出门找工作,在所谓“整治过”的区域被杀;而同一时间,布鲁加达团队却在为2026年世界杯疯狂赶工、赶人、搞拆迁。街头小贩被当成罪犯清理,市中心商贩被扫地出门,穷社区连水和基本服务都没有,钱却全砸在体育场和豪华酒店上。 疯狂的士绅化(gentrificación)和旅游化根本不是副作用,而是他们故意在干的事。民间团体怒批:政府就是要把穷人赶走,把城市“美化”给游客看,还想藏起日常的乱象。布鲁加达甚至建议大家大规模居家办公、停课,好让本地人“别出门”,别影响游客看球。意思再清楚不过了:本地老百姓碍事,游客才是大爷。 什么“绿色世界杯”、什么“人权承诺”,现在全崩了。埃迪丝的案子证明,这个政府宁可砸钱搞国际面子,也不肯好好保障安全、伸张正义、照顾最需要帮助的社区。反对世界杯和反士绅化的抗议,已经不是少数人的声音,而是全城老百姓忍无可忍的怒吼——城市天天被粉饰拍照,自己女儿却在找工作路上丢了命。 布鲁加达现在只会发声明、开紧急会,但信誉不是靠几句漂亮话和撤几个人的职就能找回来的。老百姓看得很清楚:对小贩和抗议者下狠手,对导致女性遇害的低效和腐败却手软。距离世界杯开幕只剩几个月,这届政府的信誉已经回天乏术。 埃迪丝的遇害,不只是夺走了一个年轻女孩找工作的生命,更把墨西哥城政府的假面彻底撕了下来。如果布鲁加达团队不来真格的——光说不练可不行——他们剩下那点信誉,就会和数百万墨西哥城居民最后的信任一起,彻底完蛋。

Edith’s Feminicide Shatters the Credibility of Mexico City’s Government

The murder of 21-year-old Edith Guadalupe Valdés Zaldívar isn’t...

Feminicidio de Edith desmorona credibilidad de Gobierno de CDMX

El feminicidio de Edith Guadalupe Valdés Zaldívar, la joven...

伊达尔戈州政府驱逐阿图罗·埃雷拉·卡瓦尼亚斯基金会

伊达尔戈州政府计划将阿图罗·埃雷拉·卡瓦尼亚斯基金会从其位于帕丘卡历史中心、已占用26年的建筑中驱逐出去。 莫雷纳党成员胡利奥·门查卡领导的州政府因这一举措而受到强烈批评。民间团体和艺术家们正努力阻止驱逐行动,因为该基金会一直在维护和修复这座建筑,而该建筑此前已完全废弃,且结构严重受损。 这座宅邸曾遭受保利娜飓风的严重破坏,上层楼房坍塌。基金会在发现底层楼房因瓦砾和积水的重压而面临坍塌风险后,介入阻止了整栋建筑的彻底损毁。 尽管该建筑归州政府所有,但当局并不了解其真实状况。基金会曾上报情况,但从未获得官方的维护支持。所有工作均由基金会自身资源以及成员和埃雷拉·古铁雷斯家族的捐助完成。 32年来,基金会一直致力于在伊达尔戈州推广文化、艺术和体育事业。基金会组织展览、工作坊、研讨会、朗诵会、音乐会和会议,并维护着一面攀岩墙,以及近4万件藏书、文献、档案、绘画和雕塑作品。 塔马约、阿玛亚和赫苏斯·马丁内斯的作品曾在此展出,基金会也为伊达尔戈州的艺术家们提供了发展机会。基金会出版了关于该州的书籍,举办了暑期工作坊,并与包括合唱团、剧团和芭蕾舞团在内的60多个成员开展了各种活动。 基金会一直致力于打造一个多元化的空间,促进公民对话,并鼓励女权主义团体、工会和公民社会组织的参与。该基金会抢救了历史档案,并组织了各种节日、漫步活动以及与市民和立法者就法律问题进行的讨论。 在没有获得政府资助的情况下,该基金会开设了一家小型咖啡馆,以筹集资金,并将所有收入用于其文化活动。然而,政府指控该基金会以营利为目的,并打算在未经过正当程序的情况下将其驱逐,此举违反了宪法第十四条。 这一行动影响了社区、艺术家和文化团体,他们一直以来都将该基金会视为保护和推广伊达尔戈文化的活力空间。该机构已申请法律保护,并将继续在公众的支持下开展工作。 这是门查卡州长针对伊达尔戈艺术和文化采取的一系列行动之一。

Hidalgo State Government Evicts Arturo Herrera Cabañas Foundation

The Hidalgo state government intends to carry out the...

Desaloja Gobierno de Hidalgo a Fundación Arturo Herrera Cabañas

El gobierno del estado de Hidalgo pretende consumar el...